Top 144 Quotes & Sayings by Charles Kennedy - Page 2

We have a Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales, both elected by fairer votes - involving proportional representation.

We want a strong, vibrant economy for Britain so that we can set out a clear and affordable alternative programme for government.

A smaller-size party and parliamentary membership does not necessarily equate to lesser demands; if anything, the opposite can be the case.

I believe that our country is a richer, more vibrant society precisely because it is a multi-racial, multi-ethnic society.

We believe that government in Britain should improve the quality of people's lives and improve the quality of our public services in every local community.

Whatever the eventual judgment, the political implications of Hutton are already clear. A devastating indictment of Labour in power - and of our political system itself.

We opposed unlimited detention without trial. We stood up for trial by jury as well. And of course we spoke up for asylum seekers and for the most vulnerable in our society.

We must restore faith in politics. Reform of the House of Lords is only one part of the answer, but it is a vital one.

Professionally I would say taking up my constituents' problems is something I continue to enjoy after 22 years as an MP.

The late Roy Jenkins was both a mentor and a personal friend. He was a man of both phenomenal intellect and political achievement in equal measure.

People have a huge desire to be listened to, for politicians to take the time to understand their problems.

Labour politicians for generations have fought to bring democracy to the House of Lords.

We are no longer a nation of one church; we are a nation of many churches.

Many people want to scale back their working hours as they near the end of their careers, but not necessarily to give up work altogether.

Terrorism gravely threatens international peace and security, and as a solution, the power and apparent finality of force are seductive.

It is my determination that we, as a party, continue to make that fundamental restatement of liberal values in the politics of our country.

We Liberal Democrats don't believe we should use the tax structure to champion just one type of family.

There is always a temptation for governments: see a problem and announce a quick fix.

I want our party to step up its efforts to reflect and champion the concerns of everybody who has reached the second half of their lives.

As someone who has led his party through two general elections, I have not always been immune from feeling the pressure of electioneering tactics.

Only the Liberal Democrats have probed the government's failings consistently, thoroughly and effectively.

When it comes to our public services, decentralisation means giving power back to those on the front line - our doctors, nurses, teachers and physiotherapists, and our locally elected officials.

The House of Lords has many fine aspects, but at its heart, it is a betrayal of the core democratic principle that those in the enlightened world hold so dear - that those who make the laws of the land should be elected by those who must obey those laws.

When I started knocking on Highland doors in May 1983, two things struck me more than any other. First was the sheer depth of hostility towards the Tories in general. Second was the particular hostility towards Margaret Thatcher and her local ministerial spear-carrier, energy minister and incumbent MP of 13 years' standing, Hamish Gray.

That 1983 general election contained the telltale seeds of eventual Scottish Tory self-destruction.

The government's instinct is to shroud itself in secrecy - to act like the office of a president instead of as a collective cabinet government held to account by the elected House of Commons.

With every day that passes, David Blunkett becomes more insensitive in his language and more intemperate in his actions.

Good political leadership for me involves getting the big decisions right - however difficult, however controversial, however potentially divisive - and then being able to take people with you.

Public perception of the Westminster arena, with all its posturings, does little to engender a sense of voter belief.

Liberals have been committed to the principles of human rights, international stability, and international justice. They have also sought international solutions to those problems which have demanded collective attention.

It is the government's fundamental duty to ensure the security of every individual citizen.

If British troops are committed to action, then the nation will, of course, support them. Their courage and skill is not in doubt.

Political parties need to look at the different kinds of support that people may need, suited to their way of life, and provide cost-effective solutions.

It must be a judge - never a politician - who decides whether someone is to be locked up.

It would be a tragedy if the remarkable international coalition against terrorism, successfully marshalled in the aftermath of 11 September, were to fragment over a unilateral U.S. strike against Baghdad.

Politics means facing up to hard choices and facing down prejudice, short-termism, the easy, tempting court of knee-jerk public reaction.

I listened to the students on campus in Plymouth, worried about their steadily deepening debts and how on earth they would ever escape them.

Ours is a stable country. Ours is a sensible country. And ours is a fundamentally decent country.

Britain is a European power. We cannot change our geography. Our involvement in the politics of European cooperation is one of necessity. Our wealth and our security depend upon it.

A society which is liberal democratic cannot have public policy determined upon the basis of who has got the loudest voice - or who can brings things to a halt.

It's our job as Liberal Democrats to be an effective opposition - and an increasingly tough one as well.

When human rights are systematically abused, it raises the question whether it may be legitimate in some circumstances for the international community to intervene within individual states as well as in conflicts between states.

Fair votes - fundamentally - are about the rights and the interests of the people.

'Federalism', in the context of political and media usage in Britain, has come to mean the creation and imposition of a European superstate, one centralised in Brussels.

We need less theoretical debate and more practical application and acknowledgment of what Europe can and does do so that it is brought home to people in a relevant way.

As I spread my wings in politics, I discovered many Thatcher voters down south who were the same kind of people who loathed her in Scotland. They were puzzled by the Scots' antipathy, given the Falklands war and the strong militaristic history of the Highlands and elsewhere.

Tony Blair took us to war in Iraq on the basis of the supposed threat of Saddam's weapons of mass destruction.

I believe when the country feels threatened it is important that we are seen to be working together to find an appropriate structure for dealing with terrorists in our midst.

By common consent, most European countries support the maintenance of robust welfare states and are comfortable with taxation systems that support them.

I did not dwell on the issue of Europe during either the 2001 or the 2005 campaigns - despite it being a pivotal personal concern and despite seeing it as something of a litmus test for liberal democracy.

I know from my own parents how important active older people are to a local community.

Democracy demands trust. It demands that sense of mutual understanding. And - it's a two way street. You've got to give - as much as you take.

This country has a proud history of opening its doors to generations of people fleeing personal persecution, civil unrest and war.

We all accept the world would be safer without Saddam's baleful dictatorship.

We'll need to revise the tired assumption that people automatically become more conservative as they grow older.

To involve young people and make sure that the system is more relevant to them in Scotland, we have a clear obligation to implement a policy of home rule.

As a Scot, representing a Scottish constituency for almost the past 25 years, I do not harbour an overweening ambition to pronounce on each and every matter exclusively English.

Liberal Democracy is all about extending choice. Give people the option to decide their retirement age, and you immediately extend their freedom in a very significant way.

We believe that government in Britain should be working to restore our reputation on the international stage after Iraq and engage better within Europe.

Terror can never be defeated by force alone.