Top 36 Quotes & Sayings by Paddy Ashdown

Explore popular quotes and sayings by a British politician Paddy Ashdown.
Last updated on December 21, 2024.
Paddy Ashdown

Jeremy John Durham Ashdown, Baron Ashdown of Norton-sub-Hamdon,, better known as Paddy Ashdown, was a British politician and diplomat who served as Leader of the Liberal Democrats from 1988 to 1999. Internationally, he is recognised for his role as High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina from 2002 to 2006, following his vigorous lobbying for military action against Yugoslavia in the 1990s.

I don't think Bosnia is ready for reconciliation, but I do think it is ready for truth.
We who came here saw what was happening. This was far more than a war in a faraway place. This was a moral imperative, a terrible vision of the future.
It would be a foolish high representative who worked that way. — © Paddy Ashdown
It would be a foolish high representative who worked that way.
Politics is compromise.
I've had much nastier things said about me in the British press than in the Bosnian press.
My second job has been to try to use my power to create institutions of a modern state that could enter the European Union, and there was very little time. The door was closing, and I wanted to get Bosnia through before it shut.
People do not want politicians they know to be corrupt.
Maybe it's legitimate criticism, though it can be hurtful. Maybe I haven't paid sufficient attention to the people with whom I would have a natural affinity as a liberal, and they feel let down by that.
Politics is about putting yourself in a state of grace.
It works both ways: there are victims of tragedy who come to me who have experienced grief of such magnitude that they cannot reconcile. Likewise, I cannot change the mentality of those who committed the crimes or the fools who followed them.
What my future will not be is active politics in the Liberal Democrat party.
I can create institutions, but I can't rewrite the chips in people's heads.
It was a superb agreement to end a war, but a very bad agreement to make a state. From now on, we have to part company with Dayton and try to build a modern democratic state, for which I have tried to lay the foundations.
We have to make their livelihoods viable, get them the proper prices for their produce, try and make them stay rather than sell their property and leave again.
I am here because I think it was a terrible sin of the west to allow those years of war.
I love this country, I love these people, though I can't say I love their politicians. People are always nicer than politicians, but here, you can mark that difference up a hundredfold.
We have invented a new human right here - the right to return home after a war.
I can establish the expectation of retributive justice. Have we done that? No.
I am formally accountable to the steering board of the PIC, and I meet with nine ambassadors from the PIC every week. I have to have the capitals' broad agreement with what I do.
The generous way of putting it is that we were not ready for this. The less generous way is to say: How was it possible to return to the politics of appeasement of the 1930s?
Bosnia is under my skin. It's the place you cannot leave behind. I was obsessed by the nightmare of it all; there was this sense of guilt, and an anger that has become something much deeper over these last years.
I was told there would be riots in the streets, but there were no riots.
The greatest failure is that although we have created institutions, we have not created a civil society.
It's not my job to be popular. I'm goal-driven; my job is to get results.
The advent of interconnectedness and of weapons of mass destruction means that, increasingly, I share a destiny with my enemy.
The multinational corporations now developing budgets often bigger than medium-sized countries — these live in a global space which is largely unregulated, not subject to the rule of law, and in which people may act free of constraint.
One of the great barriers to peace in the Middle East is that both sides, both Israel and the Palestinians, do not understand that they share a collective destiny.
There can be no place in a 21st-century parliament for people with 15th-century titles upholding 19th-century prejudices. — © Paddy Ashdown
There can be no place in a 21st-century parliament for people with 15th-century titles upholding 19th-century prejudices.
Now we are intimately locked together. You get swine flu in Mexico; it’s a problem for Charles de Gaulle Airport 24 hours later. Lehman Brothers goes down; the whole lot collapses. There are fires in the steppes of Russia; food riots in Africa.
At the next election he'll offer the British public an alternative that provides weight and substance and seriousness in a political debate that is, frankly, increasingly obsessed with modishness and flim-flam.
The United States will remain the most powerful nation on Earth for the next 10, 15 years, but the context in which she holds her power has now radically altered.
In the modern age where everything is connected to everything, the most important thing about what you can do is what you can do with others.
Blair is regarded by most people in Britain as a smarmy git.
History teaches us these lessons for the interveners: leave your prejudices at home, keep your ambitions low, have enough resources to do the job, do not lose the golden hour, make security your first priority, involve the neighbours.
Coalition will come sooner or later, I'm certain of that.
Truth and reconciliation' are always combined, but I would split them: I don't think Bosnia is ready for reconciliation, but I do think it is ready for truth.
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