Explore popular quotes and sayings by an Indian public servant Sanjaya Baru.
Last updated on December 23, 2024.
Sanjaya Baru is a political commentator and policy analyst. He served as Secretary General of the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) until his resignation in April 2018. Prior to this, he was Director for Geo-Economics and Strategy at the International Institute of Strategic Studies. He was Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's media advisor and chief spokesperson (PMO) from May 2004 until August 2008. He has also served as associate editor at The Economic Times and The Times of India, and then chief editor at Business Standard. Baru writes a column for Civil Society Magazine called Delhi Darbar. His father B. P. R. Vithal was Finance and Planning Secretary during Dr. Manmohan Singh's tenure as Secretary of Finance in the Government of India.
Rajiv Gandhi could have certainly attempted to form a Congress-led coalition government in 1990.
The challenge of leadership in a plural democracy is to construct policies that ensure political stability, social equity, and economic progress on the basis of a widely shared ethical and cultural foundation.
Family business management is a discipline that has evolved from an art into a science. The market for this line of education has been created by the growing recognition of family-run companies that shareholders are demanding greater clarity on issues ranging from succession to the management of wealth and the distribution of profits.
I have not broken any promises, but I have full freedom to say or write about what others have said to me during my tenure in the PMO.
Few disagree with the view that the 21st century will witness the return of Asia to the centrestage of global economic activity.
In the 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century, regionalism was seen as a building block of globalisation.
When I was in the PMO, Digvijaya Singh used to call me whenever he wanted to see the PM. He used to go through me. He is under compulsion to criticise me, but I am under no compulsion to criticise him.
Crises are inherent to market economies, but managing them is the key to political success, and the media plays a vital role in getting the policy message across.
Given the stake that both the U.S. and Europe have in stabilising and sustaining global growth, their policies should be aimed at ensuring China, India, and other newly industrialising Asian economies can take up the slack created by the slowdown in OECD economies.
As Asia's rising powers seek to sustain growth and ensure stability, energy security has moved to the forefront of Asian geopolitics.
Prime ministers with full majority have behaved differently from each other. Jawaharlal Nehru was a leader who ruled by consensus while Indira Gandhi was considered more unilateral in her approach.
It would be wrong to see the re-making of Asia, much less India,as a revolt against the West. Asia has indeed been re-built on the ruins of colonialism, but not on the ruins of all that the West has come to represent.
India is a complex country.
Adversity is the mother of enterprise.
For China, the GCC countries have emerged as a major market for Chinese manufactured goods and food exports.
During the 1990s, when India opened up to foreign investment, Japan was so mesmerised by the China opportunity that it chose to yield market space across a wide swathe of industries to South Korean competitors.
A common language doesn't soothe dry tongues and thirsty throats.
Economically, the business development of the greater Hyderabad region has made the city integral to the state.
China and Germany are important geo-economic powers that have been able to bolster their geo-political and even military power, thanks to the opportunity provided by their geo-economic rise.
While ideological blinkers blind one to change that one does not wish to see, statistics and opinion surveys, too, have their limitations in a complex polity like India.
I think the government lost control over fiscal policy in UPA-2. But it is possible to suggest that the momentum of the populism of UPA-1 did the damage when the economy slowed down, but government spending could not.
While the World Bank is an inter-governmental institution, drawing its funds from member governments and run by a board of directors nominated by member governments, its policies have increasingly become sensitive to civil society pressure and NGO agendas.
Like war, economics is more an art than a science.
An important instrument of economic policy-making in a market economy is credible, consistent, and timely communication.
If Iran seeks to meddle in domestic Indian politics by creating disaffection among the Shias of Uttar Pradesh, what better way to counter that by reminding all concerned that while the Shias maybe an important vote bank in U.P., they constitute only 10 per cent of Indian Muslims, while the Sunnis account for an overwhelming 90 per cent.
The new era of bottom-up politics has had politically paradoxical consequences in China. While it has made the system of governance more participatory, it has made the central government less authoritarian and, therefore, more bureaucratic and cautious.
In some ways, Mr. Modi's foreign policy is a continuation of Dr. Manmohan Singh's, and in some ways, it could be that Mr. Modi was repossessing all the non Nehru-Gandhi leaders of the Congress.
The UPA's strategy of 'inclusive growth' remains the foundational pillar of economically, politically, and socially sustainable development.
Karan Thapar is an endangered species. They don't make them like him anymore. True, thousands have gone to the Doon Valley School after him, as indeed to Oxford and Cambridge universities. But Karan Thapar is more than the sum of his upbringing. He's a gentleman journalist.
The G-20,with all its inadequacies, is a mixed group of the world's rising and risen powers.
If wars were won by superior technology alone, the United States would not have been vanquished in Vietnam or waylaid in Afghanistan.
Ordinary people understand that the rich and powerful bully the poor and meek.
Telangana is not like Jharkhand or Chhattisgarh, nor even like Haryana. Apart from the language it shares with the rest of Andhra Pradesh, it is today more integrated economically into the state as a whole.
In India, too many people do not write memoirs, but Natwar Singh and P. C. Alexander did.
Obama's starting point was not as low as Manmohan Singh's starting point, and Obama's rise was not as sharp.
If the Asian financial crisis had the impact of accelerating China's rise, the transatlantic financial crisis has had the effect of accelerating Germany's rise.
The reason a Congress-led coalition didn't happen in 1990 was because it is entirely possible that Rajiv Gandhi himself wasn't sure how the Congress party would evolve in that context.
I do believe it is true that the people of India regard the prime minister as the most important political leader.
Any sustained rise in the price of oil will hit the Indian economy hard.
I think many people grow on the job.
Indian politics has a way of taking a curious turn and surprising the wisest of pundits.
The World Bank is a shareholder-driven organisation, and as in all such organisations, the majority of shareholders would want a manager of their liking at the top.
A major concern of some of us who were not sympathetic to the separate Telangana movement was with respect to the future of Hyderabad.
As fiscal constraints impinge on defence and diplomacy, governments find themselves increasingly homebound, even if diplomats happily travel to summits.
To be sure, China is nowhere as powerful as the U.S., but it has acquired the ability to impose its will on individual nations around the world. From Australia to Germany, South Africa to South Korea, political leaders are careful not to rub China the wrong way.
The 1990s was not just Japan's 'wasted decade,' it was also a wasted decade for the India-Japan relationship.
Civil servants and government functionaries do not write memoirs because they hope to get more government jobs or assignments.
Hyderabad is a truly pan-Telugu metropolis that has come to accept the mix of Telangana's dakhni culture and the coastal region's Andhra culture.
The people of India and Arabia have interacted across the waters between them for thousands of years.
Every university has its problems. The issues range from lack of amenities, plagiarism, poor quality research, sexual harassment, faculty moonlighting, and faulty and biased recruitment.
While history has its limitations in shaping contemporaneous and forward-looking strategic choices, it does shape popular perceptions.
Many people in public life are not good campaigners.
A politician normally flatters you in your face and criticises you behind your back.
For all the criticism I've been showered with - people calling me a betrayer, a backstabber - frankly, the only criticism I have of Manmohan Singh is that he weakened the office of the prime minister, and he brought down the dignity of the office.
Policies that aim to promote the livelihood security of the people - promoting employment, improving the nutritional status of children and women, expanding educational opportunities, and providing affordable healthcare - would be the first charge on the budget of a developmental state.
Strategic autonomy is not secured by merely asserting one's independence: it is secured by creating mutually beneficial interdependencies.
The ministries of finance and industries and commerce require modern-minded, transparent, and efficient leadership.
Policies aimed at attracting more foreign investment into India would naturally be a part of an external stabilisation strategy.
When national policy becomes hostage to regional interests, the federal government becomes paralysed and would be unable to act in the larger national interest.
A trilateral initiative by the U.S., China, and India in the Gulf, aimed at facilitating a resolution of historic problems in the region, would benefit global growth and stability.