Top 102 Quotes & Sayings by Louis D. Brandeis

Explore popular quotes and sayings by an American judge Louis D. Brandeis.
Last updated on December 25, 2024.
Louis D. Brandeis

Louis Dembitz Brandeis was an American lawyer and associate justice on the Supreme Court of the United States from 1916 to 1939.

The difference between a nation and a nationality is clear, but it is not always observed. Likeness between members is the essence of nationality, but the members of a nation may be very different. A nation may be composed of many nationalities, as some of the most successful nations are.
I abhor averages. I like the individual case. A man may have six meals one day and none the next, making an average of three meals per day, but that is not a good way to live.
There are no shortcuts in evolution. — © Louis D. Brandeis
There are no shortcuts in evolution.
Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.
The world presents enough problems if you believe it to be a world of law and order; do not add to them by believing it to be a world of miracles.
We are not won by arguments that we can analyze, but by tone and temper; by the manner, which is the man himself.
A man is a better citizen of the United States for being also a loyal citizen of his state and of his city; for being loyal to his family and to his profession or trade; for being loyal to his college or his lodge.
Organisation can never be a substitute for initiative and for judgement.
America has believed that in differentiation, not in uniformity, lies the path of progress. It acted on this belief; it has advanced human happiness, and it has prospered.
If you would only recognize that life is hard, things would be so much easier for you.
If we would guide by the light of reason we must let our minds be bold.
Democracy rests upon two pillars: one, the principle that all men are equally entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; and the other, the conviction that such equal opportunity will most advance civilization.
Most of the things worth doing in the world had been declared impossible before they were done.
When those of Jewish blood exhibit moral or intellectual superiority, genius or special talent, we feel pride in them, even if they have abjured the faith like Spinoza, Marx, Disraeli or Heine. Despite the meditations of pundits or the decrees of council, our own instincts and acts, and those of others, have defined for us the term 'Jew.'
What are the American ideals? They are the development of the individual for his own and the common good; the development of the individual through liberty; and the attainment of the common good through democracy and social justice.
If we desire respect for the law, we must first make the law respectable.
The logic of words should yield to the logic of realities. — © Louis D. Brandeis
The logic of words should yield to the logic of realities.
Neutrality is at times a graver sin than belligerence.
The most important political office is that of the private citizen.
Those who won our independence... valued liberty as an end and as a means. They believed liberty to be the secret of happiness and courage to be the secret of liberty.
To declare that in the administration of criminal law the end justifies the means to declare that the Government may commit crimes in order to secure conviction of a private criminal would bring terrible retribution.
We can have democracy in this country, or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can't have both.
However great his outward conformity, the immigrant is not Americanized unless his interests and affections have become deeply rooted here. And we properly demand of the immigrant even more than this. He must be brought into complete harmony with our ideals and aspirations and cooperate with us for their attainment.
What is Americanization? It manifests itself, in a superficial way, when the immigrant adopts the clothes, the manners and the customs generally prevailing here. Far more important is the manifestation presented when he substitutes for his mother tongue the English language as the common medium of speech.
Let no American imagine that Zionism is inconsistent with patriotism. Multiple loyalties are objectionable only if they are inconsistent.
In the frank expression of conflicting opinions lies the greatest promise of wisdom in governmental action.
Behind every argument is someone's ignorance.
During most of my life, my contact with Jews and Judaism was slight. I gave little thought to their problems, save in asking myself, from time to time, whether we were showing by our lives due appreciation of the opportunities which this hospitable country affords. My approach to Zionism was through Americanism.
Our government... teaches the whole people by its example. If the government becomes the lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it invites anarchy.
The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in the insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well meaning but without understanding.
Men long for an afterlife in which there apparently is nothing to do but delight in heaven's wonders.
It is not wealth, it is not station, it is not social standing and ambition which can make us worthy of the Jewish name, of the Jewish heritage. To be worthy of them, we must live up to and with them. We must regard ourselves their custodians.
Fear of serious injury alone cannot justify oppression of free speech and assembly. Men feared witches and burnt women. It is the function of speech to free men from the bondage of irrational fears.
Experience teaches us to be most on our guard to protect liberty when the government's purposes are beneficent.
Those who won our independence believed that the final end of the state was to make men free to develop their faculties... They valued liberty both as an end and as a means. They believed liberty to be the secret of happiness and courage to be the secret of liberty... that public discussion is a political duty; and that this should be a fundamental principle of the American government.
At the foundation of our civil liberties lies the principle that denies to government officials an exceptional position before the law and which subjects them to the same rules of conduct that are commands to the citizen.
Crime is contagious....if the government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for the law.
Experience should teach us to be most on our guard to protect liberty when the Government's purposes are beneficent. Men born to freedom are naturally alert to repel invasion of their liberty by evil-minded rulers. The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in the insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well meaning but without understanding.
The goose that lays golden eggs has been considered a most valuable possession. But even more profitable is the privilege of taking the golden eggs laid by somebody else's goose. The investment bankers and their associates now enjoy that privilege.
... fear breeds repression; that repression breeds hate; that hate menaces stable government; that the path of safety lies in the opportunity to discuss freely supposed grievances and proposed remedies; and that the fitting remedy for evil counsels is good ones.
Strong, responsible unions are essential to industrial fair play. Without them the labor bargain is wholly one-sided. The parties to the labor contract must be nearly equal in strength if justice is to be worked out, and this means that the workers must be organized and that their organizations must be recognized by employers as a condition precedent to industrial peace.
Democracy is moral before it is political. — © Louis D. Brandeis
Democracy is moral before it is political.
Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants.
The right most valued by all civilized men is the right to be left alone.
The greatest menace to freedom is an inert people.
The only title in our democracy superior to that of President is the title of citizen.
We shall have lost something vital and beyond price on the day when the state denies us the right to resort to force.
It is one of the happy incidents of the federal system that a single courageous State may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country.
No system of regulation can safely be substituted for the operation of individual liberty as expressed in competition.
The constitutional right of free speech has been declared to be the same in peace and war. In peace, too, men may differ widely as to what loyalty to our country demands, and an intolerant majority, swayed by passion or by fear, may be prone in the future, as it has been in the past, to stamp as disloyal opinions with which it disagrees.
In differentiation, not in uniformity, lies the path of progress.
It is the function of speech to free men from the bondage of irrational fears. — © Louis D. Brandeis
It is the function of speech to free men from the bondage of irrational fears.
The most important office, and the one which all of us can and should fill, is that of private citizen.
The function of the press is very high. It is almost holy. It ought to serve as a forum for the people, through which the people may know freely what is going on. To misstate or suppress the news is a breach of trust.
If there be time to expose through discussion the falsehood and fallacies, to avert the evil by the processes of education, the remedy to be applied is more speech, not enforced silence.
No one can really pull you up very high - you lose your grip on the rope. But on your own two feet you can climb mountains.
I used to oppose women's suffrage and I've come to support it because these women have convinced me that we need full gender equality for full democratic participation.
Our government is the potent, the omnipresent teacher. For good or for ill it teaches the whole people by example. Crime is contagious. If the government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it invites anarchy. To declare that in the administration of the criminal law the end justifies the means - to declare that the Government may commit crimes in order to secure the conviction of a private criminal - would bring terrible retributions.
Fear of serious injury cannot alone justify suppression of free speech and assembly.
The makers of our Constitution . . . conferred, as against the government, the right to be let alone - the most comprehensive of rights and the right most valued by civilized men.
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