Top 131 Quotes & Sayings by Steve Kornacki

Explore popular quotes and sayings by Steve Kornacki.
Last updated on December 25, 2024.
Steve Kornacki

Stephan Joseph Kornacki is an American political journalist, writer, and television host. Kornacki is a national political correspondent for NBC News. He has written articles for Salon, The New York Observer, The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, New York Daily News, the New York Post, The Boston Globe, and The Daily Beast. Kornacki was the multimedia anchor and data analyst for much of MSNBC's The Place for Politics campaign coverage, airing throughout 2016.

We read primary results to assure ourselves that this candidate has won this state's primary and can win the state in the general election. I think that's a very dubious jump to make.
Following college sports as a kid, I'd be like: Clemson. Where the hell is Clemson? By learning sports rivalries, you learn the regions and the culture of a state.
There was a certain futility to Elizabeth Colbert Busch's congressional campaign, one that had nothing to do with her and everything to do with the state and region she calls home.
Back in August 2002, I was hired as a reporter for a website covering New Jersey politics, then still a pretty novel concept. I was 22 years old, not from the state, and thoroughly inexperienced.
After sweeping to power in the Newt Gingrich-led 'revolution' of 1994, the GOP had overplayed its hand and watched Bill Clinton easily defeat Bob Dole in 1996. — © Steve Kornacki
After sweeping to power in the Newt Gingrich-led 'revolution' of 1994, the GOP had overplayed its hand and watched Bill Clinton easily defeat Bob Dole in 1996.
Few losing V.P. candidates in the modern era have walked away with their reputations and future political prospects significantly enhanced, and some have even been damaged by their turn on the national stage.
My knowledge of popular music more or less ends in 1972.
Running 26 miles is a feat that demands respect, no matter how long it takes.
Football coaches aren't the most diverse group, which may help explain their political similarities.
American politics are rich with characters and stereotypes - Joe the Plumber, Harry and Louise, Nascar dads and hockey moms, to name a few. But one persistent type hasn't gotten much attention: the Republican football coach.
In 2016 you had a significant number of voters who said on Election Day: I don't like Donald Trump. I don't think he tells the truth. I don't think he has the temperament to be president. I don't think he is qualified. I do think Hillary Clinton is qualified. And I am voting for Donald Trump.
Patriots' Day is the essence of Boston, a Massachusetts-only holiday that seems like it was invented to celebrate Boston.
I went to a public school, so we didn't have to wear a tie.
I think a lot of people's memories of the '90s are nostalgic. The economy was pretty strong, there was good TV and movies, yet our politics were changing quickly and dramatically.
There's no evidence that coaches with a conservative bent are better coaches or more likely to get jobs. — © Steve Kornacki
There's no evidence that coaches with a conservative bent are better coaches or more likely to get jobs.
The 1994 midterms had been a shocking rout for the GOP, which picked up 54 seats in the House and eight in the Senate. No one had seen it coming. The Democratic Congress was supposed to be a permanent fact of life; it had been 40 years since Republicans had controlled the chamber.
There's always been deep divisions in this country - we had a civil war - and there've been regional and cultural and demographic. They've always been there.
When we talk about the rise of tribalism, I think the evolution of media in the '90s and beyond is a huge part of it. And you can draw a pretty straight line from Newt Gingrich recognizing the power of CSPAN.
Politics, as the cliche goes, is a full contact sport. When you choose to play, you're going to get hurt.
In 1948, northern liberals inserted a civil rights plank into the national Democratic platform, prompting a walkout of Southern delegations - which then coalesced around the third party Dixiecrat candidacy of Strom Thurmond. An uneasy truce between national and Southern Democrats was reached after that election, but it was untenable.
I've been a football fan pretty much my whole life.
As a general rule, midterm elections - in both their first terms and their second terms - aren't kind to incumbent presidents, even popular ones. Just two years after winning a 49-state landslide, for instance, Ronald Reagan watched his party lose control of the Senate and slip further into the minority in the House in 1986.
Generally, the real question in a midterm year is whether the damage for the ruling party will be severe or mild.
A case can be made that Boehner's skills as a House leader are underappreciated.
By their nature, midterm elections favor the out-of-power-party. Its voters tend to be more motivated to show up and swing voters are more likely to treat it as a protest vehicle for their frustrations.
Boston is both a world-class city, home to some of the best academic and medical institutions on the planet, and a quirkily parochial place, where one of the biggest annual sporting events involves college hockey players competing for a beanpot and where generations of baseball fans actively believed they were victims of a curse.
I think I'm statistically literate and numbers-oriented. But I'm nowhere near as sophisticated as a lot of other folks I see. Maybe that helps me not get too jargony and communicate this stuff in a way that's somewhat accessible.
New Jersey's governorship is the most powerful in the nation.
Enacted in 1994, the first of the MSRB rules bars employees of firms that underwrite state and municipal bonds from donating to any official seeking federal office who has any role in giving business to bond firms.
If Rand Paul does run for president in 2016, his campaign will have a credibility that Ron Paul's three bids for the Oval Office lacked.
It's impossible to overstate the degree to which the '94 GOP revolution shook the political class. Bill Clinton was immediately dismissed as a one-term president. The main question was whether he'd bow to the inevitable and decline to seek reelection, or if it would take a primary challenge to dislodge him.
I don't think my political opinions, to the extent I have them, are useful.
Bill Clinton broke what was known as the Republican electoral lock on the presidency, and Bill Clinton won the White House in 1992. That was sort of the impossible dream for Democrats.
I just didn't fit the stereotypes of gay men. I was an ESPN addict as far back as elementary school. I'd also had early crushes on girls.
I've read stories from people who say they always knew they were attracted to the same sex, or that they figured it out at a young age. I'm not one of them. I had practically no idea until one night in my sophomore year of high school.
Evan Bayh learned early that liberalism and ambition don't always mix in a red state like Indiana.
Trump showed you can get elected by voters who think very poorly of you.
I was probably the worst calculus student in the history of my high school.
I do a lot of walking.
I learned you just need to know people who know how to tie ties, and they'll tie them for you, and you can just put them on and take them off. — © Steve Kornacki
I learned you just need to know people who know how to tie ties, and they'll tie them for you, and you can just put them on and take them off.
What I really love is modern political history. I love the research process, whether it's digging through old newspaper stories, artifacts from election campaigns or TV stories and being able to recreate moments in history that - when you look back at them now - you can get to that question of how did we get here.
Ideologically, there are no major differences between the two Pauls, and there are stylistic similarities too; like his dad, Rand hardly minds being the lone 'no' vote in a sea of 'yes' votes. But unlike his dad, Rand seems to pick his spots with at least one eye on the bigger picture of politics.
In the old days, there were a couple of TV channels and that was it, so every channel tried to appeal to as broad of an audience as possible. Newt Gingrich recognized a way to bypass this and he did so through CSPAN.
The Paul name has been a divisive one at Obama-era CPAC gatherings, with rabid supporters of Ron Paul invading the hall to cheer on their man, jeer his Republican enemies, and in 2010 and 2011 delivering straw poll victories to him.
Ron Paul's CPAC appearances perfectly captured the nature and limits of his political appeal. His libertarian message, non-interventionist views and devotion to the gold standard attracted a sizable, committed following, but many of the true-believers weren't actually part of the Republican Party.
Whereas his father would deliver rambling lectures that were heavy on gold and often disconnected from the political news of the moment, Rand Paul communicates a desire to make himself relevant to the GOP conversation.
I'll sometimes forget it's my birthday, but my mom has taken to calling me at the exact time of my birth, so that'll usually remind me. It was an important moment for me, obviously, but I guess a more memorable one for her.
We'll always romanticize the past. We did not have this great, glorious era where everything was bipartisan and everything worked, but there was room for bipartisanship. And there was room for government to be more functional. The country itself was forced by all the upheaval of the '90s to take sides, to chose one or the other.
I try to do the deep breathing exercises and I end up panicking in the middle of them and it never goes well.
When LBJ signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the modern Southern GOP was born. — © Steve Kornacki
When LBJ signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the modern Southern GOP was born.
I tried the Calm app, but that I don't rec - well, maybe I got a bad story or something - but it didn't work for me.
It's been a very strange thing to see the attention my clothes have gotten, just because it's so inversely related to the amount of thought I put into them.
I don't read a ton of fiction, but Tom Wolfe's death got me to pick up 'The Bonfire of the Vanities.' I'm a slow reader, but wow - I ended up devouring it in about six days. I'm fascinated with that period, the '80s, when the country was turning around but it seemed like New York and other cities were just hopelessly lost.
I was the All-American kid, or so I told myself - good grades, never in trouble, bright future, well-respected by my peers. My favorite comedian was Bob Newhart.
I think I'll forget to eat a lot during election week.
Midterm elections, by nature, just aren't about the party that's out of power. But presidential years are different.
From the end of Reconstruction through the civil rights revolution, the South was an almost uniformly Democratic region. In 1936, for example, Franklin Roosevelt won more than 98 percent of the vote in South Carolina.
They say it doesn't get any more Jersey than 24-hour diners. Of course, they say the same thing about women with big hair, hapless college football teams and governors who tell their wives they're gay on national television.
Chris Matthews is a giant. He's a legend.
Some coaches keep quiet about politics to avoid alienating boosters and other higher-ups.
This site uses cookies to ensure you get the best experience. More info...
Got it!