A Quote by Harold Lasswell

The essential mark of the agitator is the high value he places on the emotional response of the public. Whether he attacks or defends social institutions is a secondary matter.
I have faced many, but the most annoying was James Milner. He follows you forward and follows you backwards. It's very difficult because he attacks you and defends you, and then attacks you and defends you again.
It's unreasonable to me that there's a government in which the culture minister attacks the institutions she's responsible for. The justice minister attacks the institutions she's responsible for. The internal security minister attacks the institutions he's responsible for. The Cabinet attacks the IDF, and the prime minister attacks everyone.
Earning high returns isn't just a matter of bragging rights - endowment income supports the missions of nonprofit institutions, whether education, as with college and universities, or broader social programs, as at many private foundations.
I honestly believe that sound commercialism is the best test of true value in art. People work hard for their money and if they won't part with it for your product the chances are that your product hasn't sufficient value. An artist or writer hasn't any monopoly .... If the public response to his artistry is lacking, he'd do well to spend more time analyzing what's the matter with his work, and less time figuring what's the matter with the public.
I listen to music two ways: As a person, you have an instinctive, personal, emotional response. But as a music supervisor, you have a secondary response, which is, 'Will this sit well under dialogue?' 'Can people die to this?' 'Can people kiss to this?
I listen to music two ways: As a person, you have an instinctive, personal, emotional response. But as a music supervisor, you have a secondary response, which is, 'Will this sit well under dialogue?' 'Can people die to this?' 'Can people kiss to this?'
No matter what cause one defends, it will suffer permanent disgrace if one resorts to blind attacks on crowds of innocent people.
Negative personal attacks have no place in public life and serve to erode public confidence in our basic institutions of government.
DonorsChoose was conceived at a Bronx public high school where I taught social studies for five years. In the teachers' lunch room, my colleagues and I often lamented a problem that drained learning from students and creativity from teachers: a lack of funding for essential materials and for the activities that bring subject matter to life.
I chose to be an agitator. And there's one interesting thing about being an agitator - and I tell people - the next time you put your underwear in the washing machine, take the agitator out, and all you're going to end up with is some dirty, wet drawers.
My vision for the future of social transportation is one that places more value on information and community over a physical product. Move over, multi-billion-dollar high-speed rail infrastructure and welcome, social information-based solutions.
Strong leadership is essential in the face of health crises. Complex public health emergencies demand a collective response with high-level political and diplomatic engagement at both the national and global levels.
I'm going to go after crime and corruption wherever it is. But I did focus particularly on the need to restore public confidence in essential institutions of both the public and private sector.
The hard reality is that attacks by vehicles in public places are very hard to defend against in a free and open society. The best defense against such attacks is good intelligence, and that often comes from inside the Muslim community.
The issue is not whether people are 'good enough' for a particular type of society; rather it is a matter of developing the kind of social institutions that are most conducive to expanding the potentialities we have for intelligence, grace, sociability and freedom.
Economics now drives politics. This gives us a system in which the relationship between power and politics is no longer fused. Power is global. We have an elite that now floats in global flows. It could care less about the nation-state, and it could care less about traditional forms of politics. Hence, it makes no political concessions whatsoever. It attacks unions, it attacks public schools, it attacks public goods. It doesn't believe in the social contract.
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