A Quote by Linda Sarsour

Alleviating suffering of the most marginalized communities must begin with assessing the needs of entire communities and allowing the most marginalized to lead the strategy. My belief is those closest to the pain are closest to the solution.
If more stories are told about marginalized communities, subcultures, and minorities, the less marginalized they will be.
We need a more holistic approach in which we take account of society's most vulnerable sectors. We shouldn't just do broad averaging of country statistics but rather we need to disaggregate the data to determine where the resources are most needed. In most cases, it's usually the reverse: those who are most marginalized - minorities and rural and remote communities - get the least attention and money.
'The Story of Us with Morgan Freeman' is a reminder that people across the world are rebelling against norms and forging new paths for the most marginalized people in their own communities.
Portadown was the most marginalized of all the Nationalist communities in the North. Suddenly we were living in a town where, if you were Catholic, you literally couldn't walk up the street without getting into some kind of conflict.
The international community cannot accept that whole communities are marginalized because of the color of their skin. People of African descent are among those most affected by racism. Too often, they face denial of basic rights such as access to quality health services and education. Such fundamental wrongs have a long and terrible history.
The NYPD has taken steps to engage marginalized communities and attempts to bridge gaps between these neighborhoods and those sworn to protect and serve them.
As I have always said, those closest to the pain should be closest to the power.
Congress has the authority to authorize spending and investment to historically neglected and marginalized communities.
In my lifetime I have seen democracy begin to expand, not only to include those who have been excluded, but to provide a listening arena, a vocabulary, an intelligent reception for stories that have been buried. Not just stories of the disenfranchised and the marginalized, but marginalized and disenfranchised histories even in the lives of the accepted and the privileged.
Every single day there are communities and people in communities who are hurting in real deep ways. The problems that they're suffering from are very nuanced, but they're granular in nature and they require real intentional planning in order to begin to lift the burden off of some of these communities that have been generationally and inter-generationally plagued by those kinds of problems. The challenge will remain. Whether we can rise to it, will the establishment rise to those challenges is a different question.
Often, those with the most to lose as a result of a poor policy move are the most vulnerable and most marginalized. Those folks need a voice, and I will endeavor to be that voice.
Action at the city level is what will make national momentum possible on our most urgent issues, and this is the level of government where we are closest to people, where we can innovate and move quickly. Most importantly, this is the level of government where we uniquely are in the position to earn the trust of our communities.
Not only do we need to focus on classrooms, but adult literacy is a huge issue in historically marginalized communities. That's a crisis, and it's one that you can't see.
We need to afford people from minority groups and marginalized communities the chance to inhabit spaces they're often held out of because of stereotyping.
Collectively, we activists are essential to advancing U.S. policy to help empower marginalized people to lift themselves and their communities out of poverty for good.
When social movements engage in legal reform, they often mobilize images of people from their constituent population who most match national norms about what "deserving citizens" are like, and use those people as spokespeople and as lead plaintiffs in legal cases. This strategy requires that people who are experiencing intersectional harm - who are vulnerable through multiple vectors of demonization and marginalization - be further marginalized and disappeared by the advocacy.
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