Top 520 Brexit Quotes & Sayings - Page 5
Explore popular Brexit quotes.
Last updated on December 12, 2024.
The Government has already U-turned today and I think the pressure is clearly growing for proper accountability over what this Government's negotiating position is on Brexit.
The skills necessary to change nappies or negotiate Brexit are obviously very different, but both involve a great deal of trust in the competence of the people doing the job.
Any genuine progressive should work together to stop Brexit - this is a national emergency, requiring national cooperation.
I sometimes think that the In campaign appears to be operating to a script written by George R.R. Martin and Stephen King - Brexit would mean a combination of 'A Feast for Crows' and 'Misery.'
Henry VIII Clauses allowing the Government to change almost any law of the land by statutory instrument, if needed, to implement Brexit must be properly restricted.
We have seen at first hand that upholding the Good Friday Agreement while also avoiding a hard border in Ireland is the key to unblocking the Brexit logjam.
Unless and until I can see an opportunity of actually reversing Brexit and restoring a stable membership of the European Union, then in the real world I concentrate on minimising the damage.
Some in favour of Brexit are so fixated on leaving the E.U., they keep arguing that any attempt to change it is some form of sabotage.
Many Britons who backed Brexit believed - and believe still - that a U.K. 'freed' from 'Europe' would be able to recover and re-establish its historic destiny as an independent global trading nation.
The original sin of Brexit - the lies, contradictions, half-truths and omissions on which it was built - have come back to haunt the Thatcherite Tories who started all this with Nigel Farage and Ukip.
Why did we lose Brexit? Why, because 60 per cent of youth didn't believe they needed to go and vote.
I am an outcast in the Conservative party. But that's Brexit. It has divided families. The country is divided. This is a huge fault line.
As Liberal Democrats, our plan is to stop Brexit and with it the nurse tax and other barriers to E.U. nurses coming to work in our NHS.
Most trade agreements arise from a desire to liberalise trade - making it easier to sell goods and services into one another's markets. Brexit will not.
Those who think that Brexit offers an opportunity to move to some low tax, almost off-shore de-regulatory haven don't seem to care about the threat posed by Corbyn.
Ever since Theresa May's premiership, I have become suspicious of the 'lectern moment'. That is when the prime minister steps outside Downing Street to address the nation on Brexit.
Theresa May... is ideally placed to implement Brexit on the best possible terms for the British people, and she has promised she will do so.
Young people voted [on Brexit] to remain by a considerable margin, but were outvoted. They were voting for their future, yet it has been taken from them.
In some ways, backing the Trump campaign was even harder than battling for Brexit. I received almost total condemnation, including from many senior figures in my own party.
Labour are a danger to our security and our economy and are wholly incapable of negotiating the best Brexit deal for Britain.
And after Brexit, we will be free to determine our economic future, with control over our money, laws and borders.
I am strictly against making cuts in the current budgetary period for things such as research funding and investments as a reaction to Brexit. I think that we can do an excellent job of explaining this to the German people.
Because of that [Brexit], you're going to have slow growth and, unfortunately, while there may not be huge volatility, there will be volatility.
Jeremy Corbyn's policy on Brexit has failed to unite his own Labour MPs and has been rightly castigated for lacking any clear course.
From our perspective, just narrowly from the financial sector and from our institution, there's nothing good about Brexit.
The English, being the most practical people in the world, came up with parliamentary democracy and codified football and Cadbury's Creme Egg. And yet they voted for Brexit.
Brexit is a self-inflicted wound; the people of this country hold the knife, and they don't have to use it if they don't want to. The people, not the hardline Brexiteers, are in charge.
Brexit is a ceaseless grind of conversations about customs unions and backstops. Anything that can add an air of whimsical, childlike wonder to proceedings can only be a good thing.
Our best hope in meeting the many challenges that Brexit brings for us is being willing to be open-minded about the options we may choose to pursue.
Hospitals don't have enough beds, staff shortages are being exacerbated by the uncertainty surrounding what Brexit means for EU nationals and our ability to access new cancer treatments is under threat.
If you want any hope of staying in the EU, or having a Brexit that doesn't mean capitulation to ethno-nationalism, you've got to tie it to a wider vision of political and economic transformation.
Events keep happening that seem inexplicable and out of control. Donald Trump, Brexit, the War in Syria, the endless migrant crisis, random bomb attacks.
No one voted for a Brexit that will tie us to the E.U.'s customs rules and prevent us striking meaningful trade deals of our own.
Yes, I have found many people who voted for Brexit and believe it will answer their problems. But they mostly realise that Europe isn't the problem, however much the E.U. could be improved.
Brexit was not a coup. Far from it. In the eyes of most analysts, it was a clear sign that people are frustrated and fed up with the status quo; this is particularly the case with independent voters.
I never doubted that our parliamentarians would vote to trigger article 50 but I expected a detailed, pragmatic debate around the options of how to execute Brexit and the processes involved.
My preoccupation has been from the very beginning that I believe that the "Brexit" referendum result is the most disastrous peacetime result that we've seen in Britain.
In the hundreds of hours spent in Parliament debating Brexit, I constantly think of how we could have spent our time better.
We need to take back control of our political process. We know so much more about what Brexit will mean, and the health implications, especially for those who are already in a disadvantaged position.
There is one party, the Conservative Party who is committed to honouring the referendum result, getting Brexit done and then delivering on the priorities of the British people.
Whatever long-term advantages are claimed for Brexit it is overwhelmingly clear that in the short to medium term it carries risks to our economy and security.
The creative industries, a source of optimism in recent years owing to, among other things, a resurgence on the world stage of British music, have come out foursquare against Brexit.
Nigel Farage said he would do a deal with the devil to get Brexit over the line; the Conservative party is very far from being the devil in this.
I'm really keen to see a Labour government because there are many things to be done, not least pursuing a sensible Brexit and not one that damages our economy and jobs.
I've spent my whole life fighting for leftwing causes, so I can tell you, no one is more surprised than me to be standing as candidate for Nigel Farage's Brexit party.
Some who campaign against hate, seem to hate the Brexit party more than they love peace.
I do not believe that as a country we are completely ill-prepared for no-deal Brexit. It is not the optimal solution it is not the best outcome for Britain, we will do much better than people expect.
I fought for MPs to have the right to vote on article 50 not because I was against Brexit, but because I was, and remain passionately, an advocate of parliamentary sovereignty.
I think the depressing litany of projections about World War Three and global Brexit recession we hear from the Remain side is not the sort of approach we should take into the future.
Brexit stops Britain from being Great Britain.
Most people are fed up to the back teeth with the never-ending wrangle over Brexit. All they want is for a competent government to get on with it and deliver a great deal for everyone in the U.K.
I was fully aware of the challenges facing London before I was elected as mayor, but I didn't anticipate the issue that is likely to define my time as mayor - Brexit.
For those who want out, Brexit remains an end in itself, regardless of what is in the interest of our society, in terms of prosperity, security and influence on the wider world stage.
Senior Tories have exhibited a brand of entitled arrogance that implies that they own Brexit. It seems that anyone else who claims its mantle can be pushed to one side. And that includes voters.
Westminster is gripped by a fanatical race towards a cliff-edge Brexit and nobody is stopping to think about the impact it would have on the everyday lives of the people we serve as politicians.
The architects of Brexit are a cocktail of lying racists and buffoons. I don't think even someone as cynical as me could have predicted how deeply stupid these people are.
Brexit is the other face of the refugee crisis - tensions that lead to stasis, external risks that lead to asymmetric shocks.
As a strong believer that Brexit is a very damaging mistake that becomes more obvious every day, I see sound democratic reasons for asking the electorate to confirm what it wants to do.
We need to work together to either achieve a form of Brexit that does not threaten our future or ensure that the decision to complete departure is the electorate's informed choice.
One lesson of the vote for Brexit was that citizens were fed up being treated as bystanders. One of the gains of Leave was the flourishing of a sense of agency and self-determination that it afforded to many.